Liberal pundits and politicians like to refer to them as
“hostage takers,” “anarchists,” “political terrorists,” “lemmings
with suicide vests” and so on. Grass-roots conservatives think
they’re a bunch of weak-kneed RINO defeatists. They have no
charismatic stars, few compelling ideas, no one leading a
Gingrich-like grand ideological charge against liberal
institutions. There is no cohesive strategy to speak of, no Tom
DeLay whipping the troops into line, no ideological cohesion, no
chance of winning very much.

And they’re probably the best thing going in Washington right
now.

As we maneuver through another shutdown saga, John Boehner’s
fate reminds me of the scene in Woody Allen’s “Love and Death” in
which a blundering war hero, returning from the Napoleonic Wars, is
confronted by a Russian nobleman:

Nobleman: I understand your heroism was quite inadvertent.

Allen: You should have such inadvertent heroism.

There is a metaphysical truth that most small-government types
would likely agree on but rarely admit: Most of the time, doing
nothing is a lot more constructive than doing something. And no
one’s done nothing quite like the Boehner-led House. Sure, there’s
a lot of big talk from Republican senators, but it’s the House that
doesn’t get stuff done.

After the passage of health care reform, the most consequential
legislation in many of our lifetimes (enacted without a single vote
from the minority), a new regulatory regime for the financial
sector and a nearly trillion-dollar stimulus that funded an array
of left-wing hobbyhorses, proper checks and balances finally kicked
in. The House slowed the progressive agenda in 2010, stopping the
majority’s steamrolling. Unless the GOP loses the House in 2014,
Barack Obama’s seen his last major reform.

And when the House “anarchists” do hold out, as they did with
the debt ceiling in 2010, they’ve compelled the majority to make
genuine compromises. Now, according to the Congressional Budget
Office, sequestration only trims about $44 billion in 2013 — or
1.5 percent of the budget. Sad as it is, that makes sequestration
one of the most successful spending cuts in the past two decades.
Even more significantly, it illustrates to many voters that, contra
the Chicken Littles, a cut isn’t tantamount to national
suicide.

That’s not to say that this brand of “hostage taking” (nee
“negotiations”) hasn’t taken its toll. It seems that pundits have
suffered most. “Is this the kind of government our Founding Fathers
envisioned?” asks a worked-up Roger Simon in his syndicated column.
The answer is: Yes, it probably is. In a republic, majoritarian
rule is checked, and the president doesn’t get to unilaterally
dictate which legislation is negotiable.

Obamacare passed. The Supreme Court told us that government’s
coercing Americans to purchase health care is kosher. Americans
went ahead and voted for Obama a second time around. That’s life.
And political reality means that Republicans probably won’t be able
to stop Obamacare any time soon — if ever. At some point, they’ll
fold.

But in the meantime, the minority is using every leverage point
available to try to slow implementation. That is neither
unprecedented nor unfathomable. Does the minority know what the
heck it’s doing? I doubt it. But at the end of the day, the country
is still talking about Obamacare rather than some phony
administration “job bill.” That’s a win.

Boehner, even if his heroism happens to be mostly inadvertent,
doesn’t get enough credit for having stopped scores of progressive
ideas — and often in the face of tremendous pressure. Obama, once
on track to implement more wide-ranging reforms than any president
since FDR, now nips at the margins through executive orders, court
challenges and regulation by fiat. It’s hardly ideal. But if you
believe that’s a positive development, thank the House.